Bulgaria and Moldova Rejecting Liberalism - Tilt Away from EU Toward Russia

New Era World News

BULGARIA AND MOLDOVIA  (November 13) elected two new presidents; both men are overtly open to relations with Russia. Rumen Radev, the new Bulgarian president decisively defeated the pro-Western candidate, Tsetska Tsacheva. Radev not only called for the EU to cease sanctions against Russia, he also announced his willingness to accept the Crimean referendum that made Crimea part of the Russian Federation. During his victory speech, Radev not only iterated his opposition to sanctions against Russia, he also commended President-elect Trump for “seeking increased dialogue” with Russian President, Vladimir Putin.

Likewise, the new Moldovan presidential Igor Dodon, is also pro Moscow.  He defeated World Bank employee Maia Sandu, who campaigned under an EU banner, for the presidency of Moldova. Russia and the EU have hotly contested Moldova, which seems now to prefer the former.

Mr Dodon won the presidential election partly on a promise to scrap a trade deal signed with the EU in 2014. The promise “is supported by Moldovans who suffered after Russia, in response to EU sanctions, imposed trade restrictions on EU members and affiliates following the agreement.”

“Speaking to Russian television after the vote, President Dodan said Moldovans had voted for “friendship with Russia, for neutrality, for our orthodoxy, for the country’s union.”

Dodan is aware that “a very serious combat is ahead”, a combat between EU liberal globalists leaning westward and Moldovan patriots leaning to the east.  However, he said, “we are ready for this combat.”

Unlike Bulgaria, Moldova is not an EU member (but an affiliate by agreement), nor is it a member of NATO.  Despite affiliate status and a push by some for full EU membership, Dodon has indicated interest in joining the Russian sponsored Eurasia Economic Community and “eliminating the possibility of cooperation with NATO“, but he has also “promised to balance between Russian and the West, a feat that neighboring Ukraine has found impossible.”

Bogdan Bezpalko, Assistant Director of the Center for Ukrainian Studies at Moscow State University, stated that the presidential elections in Moldova and Bulgaria represent,

 “… undoubtedly, positive dynamics. But it (they) should not be regarded as a step toward an ‘alliance’ [with Russia]. . Still, it is clear that the population of the Eastern European states have become disenchanted with the ideology of ‘Euro-integration’; they want to resume normal and pragmatic relations with their neighbors.” 

Russian parliamentarian Franz Klintsevich, First Deputy Chairman of the Committee on Defense and Security explains that the rise of Euro-skeptic parties in the Balkan Peninsula was to be expected:

“I have come to a conclusion that Russia’s consistent, competent and honest position on the world arena, its aspiration not to seek dominance but to try to solve… the world’s problem of international terrorism transparently, honestly and effectively [have played a substantial role in the elections’ outcome],” 

According to the French Daily, La Croix:

“Already deeply shaken by the Brexit, the European Union has suffered a new warning this Sunday, November 13, this time from the eastern margins of the old continent. Voters in Bulgaria and Moldova have elected to the presidency of their respective countries openly Russophile candidates, the Moldovan Igor Dodon and the Bulgarian Rumen Radev, who both campaigned in favor of a rapprochement with Russia.”

Journalist Roland Oliphant suggests that the election of two pro-Russian presidents “adds to mounting concern about Western unity following Donald Trump’s victory in the US election last week.

La Croix of France concludes:

“These elections will ring anyway as a prestigious victory for Vladimir Putin and thunder in the European skies”


Within one weeks of the political changes in Bulgaria and Moldova, the pro-Western government in Estonia prematurely collapsed. On November 9, 2016 Prime Minister Taavi Roivas’ Estonian Reform Party received a vote of no-confidence from the Estonian parliament. Roivas was replaced by Juri Ratas head of the opposition Center Party founded a mere 25 years ago. Following the vote, the Center Party, a party that has a collaborative agreement with Putin’s United Russia Party, has emerged as a significant member of the new coalition government that will lead Estonia. The coalition consists of The centrist Center Party, leftist Social Democrat SDE, and conservative IRL. Together these three coalition partners control 56 out of 101 seats in the Estonian Parliament and have committed to ties with the EU and NATO and have vowed to keep Estonia within the Western EU ambit:

“We will adhere unconditionally to the current principles of security and foreign policy; our membership in NATO and the EU is the paramount guarantee for our security,” the parties said in the joint statement confirming their cooperation.

Nonetheless, the new Prime Minister, Juri Ratas is a member of the Center Party, which in the past has had strong ties with Russia. With the Center Party heading the coalition, it is likely that Estonia will adopt a more balanced relationship with Russia and the EU. The Center Party has the strong support of Estonia’s Russian minority, which it must retain so as to keep its hands on political power.  Besides, the Center Party has previously signed an agreement committing it to work collaboratively with Putin’s United Russia Party into the future.

The Center Party’s agreement with United Russia states that the two share common goals and interests and should cooperate in the areas of information exchange relative to professional party building, legislative processes, financial professionalism, international relations, cultural exchange and work among youth. The agreement exists to deepen the “good-neighborly cooperation between Estonia and Russia.”

The document of collaboration was signed by Mailis Reps, current Deputy Chairman of the Center Party.

Bulgaria and Moldova are tilting away from the EU toward Russia, and Estonia is in the process of normalizing its relationship with the East. All three will endeavor to maintain a balance between Brussels and Moscow.  But it is clear, Russia is no longer an outsider but an alternative to Western Liberalism, a liberalism that is wearying the nations of Eastern Europe and even those of Western Europe such as France and Britain who are making their voices heard in a rising symphony reaching even Asia and Africa and America too.


Transdniestria and Moldova Affirm Russian Preference Alarm Globalists

Therefore, Moldova is a global hot spot; the EU globalists cannot afford to let the dominoes keep falling, they must stop here!



Moldova is already a member of NATO and aspires to join the EU. The strongest card the EU has in Moldova is the large number of people still in favor of EU integration including foreign embassies, think tanks, NGOs, media outlets, political beneficiaries and common men and women who have benefited from EU subsidies and economic advantages. Perhaps the globalist’s greatest advantage is the continued existence of the EU-leaning Prime Minister and Parliament. Moldova, moreover is a member of the World Trade Organization, which hand in hand with the EU could cripple or promote its financial sector and economic well being.

Interestingly, Moldova also has several Russian media outlets and news agencies, has a strong Russian cultural influence, 93% of its citizens are members of the Orthodox Church with many having strong ties to the Russian Orthodoxy, nearly 20% of the population declares Russian as their native tongue, Moldova imports over 90% of its energy from Russia; and 54% of its population is of Ukrainian and Russian Slavic descent. Moldova was also once part of the Soviet Union and is also a member of the Russian led Commonwealth of Independent States and thus in the Russian ambit as well.

To the extent that Russia can continue to promote Christian and family values while it slashes away at the amoral cultural tentacles of liberalism and simultaneously provide economic benefits and trade stimulus to Moldova while propping up its infrastructure through investments from Russian-Chinese sponsored financial institutions, it might be able to counterbalance the effect of western liberal propaganda, especially at a time when EU institutions are experiencing unprecedented and severe cultural and political pressures that are wrenching them apart along with the significant financial burden of supporting Mediterranean nations states relying on the European Central Bank in Germany to sustain their failing economies.

Despite EU tribulations, they cannot afford to loose this region to the Russians. Either way, with two pro-Russian presidents and large segments of their populations favorable to increased relationships with Russia along with aid from the EU, economic and trade relations between Transdniestria and Moldova can be expected to improve. The two countries can also be expected to increase cultural ties as globalists continue attempts to acculturate Transdniestria and Transdniestria to influence Moldova. Most importantly, a rapprochement with Russia and Moldova can be expected.  This time it is voluntary and, assisted by cooperative efforts between President Dodan and President Krasnoselski, it should proceed further than before.

As the United States moves to disengage itself from over-extension in foreign affairs thereby leaving a failing to fend for itself militarily at a time when its economies are reeling and social -cultural dissatisfaction is at an all time high, less essential Eastern European nations will receive less economic help. Since it is unrealistic to expect the larger Eastern European nations, such as Poland, will assume responsibility for the economic challenges and mange the economic needs of their poorer neighbors, further anti-liberal Russian influence can be expected.


Bulgaria and Moldova Elect New Presidents who Promise Closer Relations with Russia

SUNDAY  NOVEMBER 13, BULGARIA AND MOLDOVIA  elected new presidents overtly friendly toward Russia. Rumen Radev, the new Bulgarian president decisively defeated the pro-Western candidate. Radev not only called for the EU to cease sanctions against Russia, he also announced his willingness to accept the Crimean referendum that made Crimea part of the Russian Federation. Nonetheless, he has also committed to maintaining Bulgaria’s commitments with the West

The new Moldovan presidential Igor Dodon, is also pro Moscow.  He defeated World Bank employee Maia Sandu who campaigned under an EU banner. Russia and the EU have hotly contested Moldova, which seems to prefer the former. Unlike Bulgaria, Moldova is not an EU member, nor is it a member of NATO. Dodon has indicated interest in joining the Russian sponsored Eurasia Economic Community and “eliminating the possibility of cooperation with NATO“, but he has also “promised to balance between Russian and the West, a feat that neighboring Ukraine has found impossible.”

Estonia Pivots Slightly Toward Moscow


THE EU AND NATO have been vigorously courting Estonia, the North Baltic State of that borders Russia, into their liberal sphere of  influence. Given the fact that ethnic Russians comprise roughly a quarter of Estonia’s population, the move toward Western liberalism has been strenuously opposed and the highly courted Estonian government has prematurely failed.

Prime Minister Taavi Roivas Reform Party received a vote of no-confidence from the Estonian parliament. Following the vote, the Center Party, a party that has a collaborative agreement with Putin’s United Russia Party, has surfaced as the new coalition leader. The Center Party has the support of the Russian minority and has indicated its commitment to continuing ties with Russia.

The Center Party’s agreement with United Russia states that the two share common goals and interests and should cooperate in the areas of information exchange relative to professional party building, legislative processes, financial professionalism, international relations, cultural exchange and work among youth. The agreement exists to deepen the “good-neighborly cooperation between Estonia and Russia.”

The document of collaboration was signed by Mailis Reps, current Deputy Chairman of the Center Party.

Unexpected Rise of Christian Nationalist Party in Slovakia


IN THE AFTERMATH OF THE COMMUNIST COLLAPSE of 1989, Slovakia, like other Eastern European countries, fell under the sway of aggressive secularism, the dominance of foreign investors, and the political, social-cultural, and economic rhetoric of neoliberalism, which favors deregulation, privatization, multiculturalism, social austerity (a shrunken state role in alleviating poverty) and tolerance of LGBT and other aberrant moral-cultural values at odds with the traditional family oriented values. Such values are considered retrogressive by neoliberal progressives who clamor for tolerance of everything but traditional Christian values that they associate with tyranny, patriarchy, and fascism.

Cardinal Glemp the primate of Poland at the time of the communist collapse in 1989 had premonitions of the future challenges that would come from neoliberalism – materialism of a Western sort:

“We have withstood the onslaught of Atheistic Materialism, Marxism is dead;  however I am not sure that we can withstand the onslaught of Western Materialism.”

The challenge foreseen by Cardinal Glemp certainly came to Eastern Europe (and also to Africa, Asia, and Latin America). Under the guise of liberal toleration and the rhetoric of prosperity, it sunk deeply into the soil of Slovakia. However, like the proverbial seed (Matthew 13: 5-7) that was planted on unprepared rocky ground it came up quickly, but because it lacked fertile soil its fruits were scorched or choked by the thorns of concupisence and greed.

Some fell on rocky ground, where it had little soil. It sprang up at once because the soil was not deep, and when the sun rose it was scorched, and it withered for lack of roots. Some seed fell among thorns, and the thorns grew up and choked it.

Consequently, the abundance promised was never forthcoming.  However, their are signs of forthcoming political change indicate a departure from the neoliberal paradigm toward something new .

Signs of Political Change – Politics in Slovakia

Unlike the American two party winner take all system, Slovakia, like other European countries has a system of “proportional representation”.  This means that the percent of votes a party receives in an election determines the percent of seats they receive in parliament.   Since the political landscape in most European countries is dotted with numerous political parties sometimes reaching as many as fifty, it is difficult to ever garner 51% of the vote and thus the government is composed of coalition governments made up of competing but ideologically aligned (or politically aligned) parties. In such a system, any party with 15% of the seats is considered a major party. The party with the largest number of seats is usually recognized as the party from which the Prime Minister is drawn.

In Slovakia, Prime Minister Robert Fico’s social-democratic party “SMER” controls 33% of the seats (in 2012 it held an overwhelming 44% of the seats); the other 67% are shared among nine other parties. Slovakia, like other European countries has surprisingly spawned a new grass roots Christian and Euro-skeptic political party. The “People’s Party” or “Our Slovakia” recently received 14 of the 150 contested seats or 8% the vote. The other pro-Christian party,  the Slovak National Party (SNP) won 8.6% of the seats in parliament.

The nascent Our Slovakia Party is headed by Marian Kotleba, who is opposed to further integration with the European Union and is skeptical about NATO membership; he has referred to NATO as a “terrorist organization”. According to Kotleba, the national election

“Is the beginning of a new era for Slovakia. And as a result, we will save the country from where it was heading.” By this he was referring to the Western liberal agenda imposed after the collapse of communism, which favored foreign investment and liberal values over the interests the Slovakian people and their traditional Christian culture.

Kotleba, although maligned as a “Fascist” by Western pundits, rejects the Nazi label and suspects that it arises from his campaign against ingrained political and economic corruption and the kulturkampf against Christian values pursued by ideologues, who favors a neo-liberal agenda contrary to Slovakia’s indigenous patrimony. Not surprisingly, he also favors Slovakia’s economic independence as indicated by advocacy of a national currency and Slovakia’s exit from the Eurozone.

slovakiakotlebaBecause he is perceived as an agent of change, he finds support among the poor, marginalized, and young voters who are increasingly vocal and desirous for political and economic change that favors the broader common good.

The neoliberals promised to integrate the country with Europe, which at the time was attractive due to the European opposition to communism from which the countries of Eastern Europe were newly emerging. In reality this translated into the heavy burden of neoliberal reforms.  When Slovakia joined the European Union in 2004, the road to economic, political and cultural serfdom under the banner of neoliberalism went into full swing.

Under a regiment of neoliberal structural reform whatever paltry compensation workers had grown accustomed to under the previous regime was removed. Instead, unemployed and underemployed workers were now blamed for their own impoverishment due to laziness, apathy, lack of proper education or moral ineptitude. In short, they were blamed rather than assisted by a new neoliberal state that busied itself with cronyism and increasing investment opportunities for foreign corporations and financial institutions. As in Poland and elsewhere, unemployment and inflation soared as a result of implementing market oriented neoliberal policies.  The so-called neoliberal “Shock Therapy” was considered a necessary part of healing the dying economy. As a result of economic austerity resulting from planned shocking of the Slovakian economy and dominating its political landscape, the ever-growing economic fallout resulting from the therapy was excused by its ideological proponents and those on their payroll. It was not indicative, they said, of failed neoliberal polices but was to be attributed to the personal failure of the workers.

Nonetheless, overtime, the pull of a deregulated economy, the promise of state subsidies to foreign corporations, low wages accepted by Slovakian laborers, and falling property prices lured Western dollars.  This infusion of foreign capital led to partial respite as Slovakia became a hub of auto production.  Because the neoliberal rational calculus depends upon financial (rather than human) calculations necessary to attract and maintain foreign investment, wages remained low, unemployment high, health care abysmal and government social assistance minimal. These economic trends were exacerbated by cultural degradation and a systematic attack on traditional values via public education, the mass media, and foreign agents working to instill a liberal worldview throughout Slovakia.

As a result of these economic, political and social failures, the liberal agenda, so successful in the twentieth and early twenty first century has begun to collapse.  Workers and astute politicians are waking up to the fact that liberalism, contrary to its promises,  has exacerbated rather than improved the situation.  Cultural degradation on top of psychological and social trauma, caused by economic prosperity for a few and impoverishment for many, has proven to be the straw that is breaking the neoliberal back. People are increasingly fed up with the whole liberal agenda and are seeing through the thin veneer of rhetoric daily fed to the lot of wary workers whose difficult living circumstances are clearing their vision and contributing to a closer affinity with the church as it had in Poland where the church became the hub of opposition to the communist regime.

These mounting pressures reached a head in 2012 when the “Gorilla Scandal” shook the people of Slovakia from their slumber and awoke them to the reality of pervasive political corruption that surpassed the evils of communism. People took to the streets all over Slovakia with a call for “REAL democracy”, that is democracy rooted in the dignity of the human person, every human person.

However, no one seemed to have the cure or a hand strong enough to promote real positive change throughout the country. Nonetheless, positive change is occuring.  The neoliberal parties dedicated to the European Union, toleration of moral aberrations contrary to the natural and divine law, economic austerity, economic models that result in wealth for a few but not wide-spread prosperity for many, are being robustly challenged.  In the place of old political parties new ideas and new parties wary of the EU, sick of “political correctness” and rooted in human dignity and traditional Christian values are surfacing in Slovakia as they are throughout Europe and the world.

Uniting under the banner “We are reclaiming our country,” Civic Resistance groups in Slovakia are clamoring for change. Their voice is resonating throughout the country where it sounds something like this:

Following the collapse of communism, the state was grabbed by a new regime of corrupt politicians and corporate oligarchs who were given a license to engage in theft of public property. Under the guise of “democracy” they have lied to the people and enriched themselves.

Of course people who say such things are a threat to a well controlled social system built on liberal values. Consequently, they are often branded as lunatics, Nazis, Fascist, etc. by the neoliberal press supported by neoliberal political cronies. Unwelcome and thus lacking a seat in the Ministry of Propaganda, Civic Resistance found a viable outlet in the social media from which they were able to successfully promote the candidacy of Marian Kotleba as Governor of the Banska Bystricia region in Southeast Slovakia.

Their dedication paid off. In 2013 the People’s Party supported Kotleba for Regional Governor. They promoted him as an honest political maverick dedicated to social justice and able to challenge financial institutions that feed on the people’s ignorance and their need for money, to challenge corporate multinationals who siphon off profits instead of investing them in higher wages, who expatriate profits to foreign shores after abusing the environment and failing to contribute to the social needs of the host country and they promoted Kotleba as a person able to challenge corrupt politicians who permit their country’s natural resources and cultural legacy to be looted by neoliberal oligarchs and robber barons.

Kotleba’s candidacy was cemented when the EU began to issue quotas for refugees from the Middle East. At this point Brussels was denounced as dictatorial; the People’s Party’s desire for traditional national values gained momentum by a perceived threat of an army of refugees who, under the banner of EU tolerance, would subject a Christian nation to foreign and often antithetical Islamic values. Because similar arguments could be heard in Russia, Poland and Hungary, the momentum for a Christian consensus among Slavic nations continues to grow to the chagrin of neocons and neoliberals.

The People’s Party provides Slovakia with a voice for the majority that had been seduced by the subtle caress of liberalism.  The caress of liberalism has turned into a calloused hand felt by many. Increasingly frustrated by economic inequality, the moral program of liberalism along with political correctness and an inability of politicians to defended the common good have led to a point of critical mass – average people are waking up and beginning to see through the propaganda and ideological warfare waged upon them and are beginning to coalesce.

What Direction Will Slovakia Take

Slovakia is experiencing a social-political-economic-moral crisis similar to other European nations and to other nations around the globe  subject to the neoliberal agenda resulting in a culture of death. As in these other places (such as Nigeria, Philippines, Brazil, Hungary, Poland to name a few), Slovakia will predictably turn away from its neoliberal romance turned sour with the West.  Unless neoliberalism adopts a more friendly face and permits sovereign nations to decide their own directions and to participate fairly in the international arena, unless it permits traditional and Christian values and innovative economic and political models rooted in those values to come to the fore, it will continue to fade into the past. Either way, liberalism seems done. It is failing  and these countries provide ample evidence of its failure.  If liberalism adopts a more friendly face and permits new economic and political models as well as the protection of traditional moral values it is no longer liberalism.  If it fails to do these things, it is simply going to exhilarate its own demise.  Basically, liberalism is dead, but it refuses to admit its demise and has therefore become a warmonger using threats of military force to impose its agenda throughout the world.

It believes so greatly in its liberal cause, that is willing to adopt any means to bring them to fruition. It believes, as did one of its founding patriarchs, Jean Jacques Rousseau that people must be “forced to be free.”

“In order then that the social compact may not be an empty formula, it tacitly includes the undertaking, which alone can give force to the rest, that whoever refuses to obey the general will (majority consensus) shall be compelled to do so by the whole body. This means nothing less than that he will be forced to be free.”

This is the sentiment of neocons and liberals in America today – it is the voice trying to dominate the American landscape and the voice driving American foreign policy in such places as Slovakia. It is a voice at odds with the Christian faith and the authentic dignity of the human person made to the image of the Holy Trinity. Is there any greater danger in the world today?


Hungary Like Poland Moves Towards its Christian Roots


HUNGARY, LIKE POLAND AND SLOVAKIA et al has recently, amid scathing criticism, began a movement opposed to the moral, economic, and political program of neoliberalism promoted by leading Western nations. Along these lines, Hungary like its Slavic counterparts, is resisting the EU proposal to relocate Islamic refugees. Of three million one hundred thousand Hungarians who cast a vote in a nationwide referendum, 98 percent were opposed to the EU migrant quota plan.

According to Prime Minister Viktor Orban .

“Brussels can’t impose its will on Hungary (that is, its refugee policy or any objectionable neo-liberal policy). The choice was between Brussels (capitol of the European Union) and Budapest (capitol of Hungary), and people chose Budapest” (Britain First).



In addition, amid harsh criticism from the West, Hungary, like an increasing array of other nations, maintains a different foreign policy vis a vis Russia than the EU would like to see.

​In February 2015, Orban stated that,

‘We think that without cooperation with Russia, we cannot achieve our goals.” (Business Insider)



Hungary’s leading Fidesz Party led by Prime Minister Orban has much in common with the newly elected Law and Justice Party of Poland (Pis). Both favor a strong sense of patriotism and are increasingly skeptical of EU economic, political and social initiatives; they both favor limits on immigration, oppose liberal moral values and liberal control of the media while promoting national and traditional moral values. They both are staunch supporters of Christianity and Catholic social teaching regrading distributive justice in service of the broad common good. Both Fidesz and Pis favor progressive Catholic social ideas of private property hallowed by charity and justice with a communitarian dimension in favor of broad distribution that provides a social safety net to poverty and a strong element of human dignity. Both Poland and Hungary have moved to place moral  limits on the media amid loud outcry from the EU, which in the name of tolerance views any such restrictions as a violation of human rights rather than a guarantor of human dignity and therefore a boon for human rights.

Along this moral contour, Hungary is in the vanguard with Russia regarding the protection of Christians around the globe. Orban has clearly indicated that Hungary will work in tandem with the Pope Francis and the Catholic Church to aid persecuted Christians.  In fact, he regards Catholics as:

“the most vulnerable Christians in the world” (Vatican Radio).

Surprisingly, it is not the United States or the United Kingdom that has vowed to protect Christians around the globe, but Russia and Hungary. Like Vladimir Putin, Viktor Orban has made it clear that predominantly Catholic and Christian Hungary will defend persecuted Christians in the Middle East.  Orban has, moreover, backed his words with action; he has created an executive department to aid persecuted Christians and has endowed it with an initial operating budget of $3.35 million.



As in Poland and Russia, the Prime Minister of Hungary has moved to protect unborn children and to promote the sanctity of life by amending the Hungarian Constitution to articulate the principle that  life begins at conception and that marriage consists of a perpetual union of one man and one woman.

Orban is a sure proponent of democracy and human dignity, but he is opposed to what he refers to as “liberal democracy” (democracy with a neoliberal tinge) in favor of “illiberal democracy“, that is democracy without liberalism.  In short, Hungary under Orban has moved toward its Christian heritage in favor of traditional Christian values; it is increasingly opposed to EU liberalism in favor of a Christian commonwealth

In addition to Fidiez, Jobbik (Hungary’s third largest political party) shares many of its ideas along the Christian spectrum. Jobbik defines itself as

 “A principled, conservative and radically patriotic Christian party“, whose “fundamental purpose” is the protection of “Hungarian values and interests.”

As a result of the parliamentary elections of 2014, Jobbik received over a million votes thereby garnering 21% of the seats in parliament becoming the third largest party in the National Assembly.



As in Russia and to a lesser extent among Pis leaders in Poland, Jobbik is opposed to the spread of neoliberalism or global capitalism and the international institutions that support and perpetuate it. As a result, it advocates Hungary for Hungarians and closely monitors foreign investment within its borders. Like the others, Jobbik is characterized by a strong distrust of Zionism and international finance, perhaps the most contentious political, social, and cultural issue in play today. As a result, Jobbik directly opposes Jewish (read Zionist) investments in Hungary.

Party Chairman Gabor Vona  has been quoted as saying:

“The Israeli conquerors, these investors, should look for another country in the world for themselves because Hungary is not for sale.”



As a final display of its defiance for liberalism, the European Union has threatened sanctions on Poland for its  recent move to place moral limits on the foreign press and the implied protection of Christian values via the appointment of “midnight judges” to the national tribunal (supreme court). According to Politico, PiS has an alliance with the Roman Catholic Church, and will resist liberalism imported from Western Europe. As such, the new Minister of Culture, Piotr Gliński, has stated that in accord with Christian social values:

“Single-sex marriage, abortion, gender ideology — these are red lines for us”

After years of experiencing ideological dominance by the supreme court, similar to the ideological dominance exercised by the United States Supreme Court that resulted in abortion rights (Roe v Wade), Jaroslaw Kaczynski, the founder of PiS, referred to the tribunal as

“The bastion of everything in Poland that is bad.”

Consequently, it is not surprising to see such rancor over supreme court appointments, over justices that can rule on the constitutionality of laws passed by parliament. Law and Justice (PiS) however, not only won the presidency; it also gained an outright majority in the parliament. PiS now governs by popular mandate and wields more power than any government since the collapse of communism in 1989. Consequently, any attempt by the EU to impose sanctions on Poland for something that is well within its sovereign rights to oppose are highly unlikely. Hungary, moreover, has indicated, it will veto any such sanctions should they be imposed.

Poland is on a similar path as Hungary, its geographical, historical, and political cousin: One of the first steps taken by Orban in Hungary was placing limits on that nation’s constitutional court because that court was loaded with liberal and neoliberal ideologues opposed to Christian renewal.

Orban has clearly stated his preference for Christianity and opposition to worn out liberalism. One of his primary goals is to build an

“illiberal new state based on national foundations” 

There was a visible Hungarian presence at the annual nationalist march in Warsaw on Polish Independence Day, November 11. “Friendship today, alliance tomorrow,” read a bilingual banner carried by youths with Jobbik flags.

According  to a Polish priest nestled in the crowd:

“Nowhere in the world is there such a tie between nations.”

Hungary’s cooperation with the Polish National Movement is rooted in a shared vision of Europe; Márton Gyöngyösi, a leader of Jobbik responsible for foreign policy, told POLITICO.

“As opposed to liberal values based on individualism, secularism, consumerism and multiculturalism, we support the defense of the nation state, its traditions, ethnic composition and Christian values,”